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THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

AND

COLONIAL JOURNAL.

Vol. I.] FEBRUARY, 1826. [No. XII.

JUDGE MARSHALL S OPINION.

We publish, with pleasure, the fol-
lowing very able and interesting de-
cision of the Chief Justice of the
United States, in reference to a vessel
captured and brought in for adjudica-
tion, under the acts of Congress for
the suppression of the Slave Trade :

Mr. Chief Justice Marshall
delivered the opinion of the Court,
and, after stating the case, pro-
ceeded as follows :

In prosecuting this appeal, the
United States assert no property
in themselves. They appear in
the character of guardians, or next
friends, of these Africans, who
are brought, without any act of
their own, into the bosom of our |
country, insist on their right to \
freedom, and submit their claim
to the laws of the land, and to
the tribunals of the nation.

The Consuls of Spain and Por-
tugal, respectively, demanded
XII. 1

these Africans as slaves, whro
have, in the regular course of le-
gitimate commerce, been acquired
as property by the subjects of
their respective sovereigns, and
claim their restitution under the
laws of the United States.

In examining claims of this
momentous importance; claims
in which the sacred rights of
liberty and of property come in
conflict with each other ; which
have drawn from the bar a degree
of talent and of eloquence, worthy
of the questions that have been
discussed ; this Court must not
yield to feelings which mighvt
seduce it from the path of duty,
and must obey the mandate of the
law.

That the course of opinion on
the slave trade should be unset-
tled, ought to excite no surprise.

354

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

The Christian and civilized na-
tions of the world, with whom
we have most intercourse, have
ail been engaged in it. However
abhorrent this traffic may be to a
mind whose original feelings are
not blunted by familiarity with
the practice, it has been sanction-
ed in modern times by the laws
of all nations who possess distant
colonies, each of whom has en-
gaged in it as a common commer- 1
cial business which no other
could rightfully interrupt. It has
claimed all the sanction which
could be derived from long usage,
and general acquiescence. That
trade could not be considered as
contrary to the law of nations
which was authorized and pro-
tected by the laws of all com-
mercial nations ; the right to carry
on which was claimed by each,
and allowed by each.

The course of unexamined
opinion, which was founded on
this inveterate usage, received its
first check in America ; and, as
soon as these States acquired the
right of self-government, the traf-
fic was forbidden by most of them.
In the beginning of this century ^ j
several humane and enlightened !
individuals of Great Britain de- |
voted themselves to the cause of I
the Africans; and, by frequent I
appeals to the nation, in which
the enormity of this commerce
was unveiled, and exposed to the !
public eye, the general sentiment
was at length roused against it, j

and the feelings of justice and
humanity, regaining their long
lost ascendency, prevailed so far
in the British parliament as to ob-
tain an act for its abolition. The
utmost efforts of the British
government, as well as of that of
the United States, have since
been assiduously employed in its
suppression. It has been de-
nounced by both in terms of
great severity, and those con-
cerned in it are subjected to the
heaviest penalties which law can
inflict. In addition to these mea-
sures operating on their own
people, they have used all their
influence to bring other nations
into the same system, and to in-
terdict this trade by the consent
of all.

Public sentiment has, in both
countries, kept pace with the mea-
sures of government ; and the
opinion is extensively, if not uni-
versally entertained, that this un-
natural traffic ought to be sup-
pressed. While its illegality is
asserted by some governments,
but not admitted by all ; while
the detestation in w’hich it is held
is growing daily, and even those
nations who tolerate it in fact,
almost disavow their own conduct,
and rather connive at, than lega-
lize, the acts of their subjects ; it
is not wonderful that public feel-
ing should march somewhat in
advance of strict law, and that
opposite opinions should be en-
tertained on the precise cases in

AND COLONIAL JOURNAL.

355

which our own laws may control
and limit the practice of others.
Indeed, we ought not to be sur-
prised, if, on this novel series of
cases, even Courts of justice
should, in some instances, have
carried the principle of suppres-
sion farther than a more delibe-
rate consideration of the subject
would justify.

The Amedie , (1 Acton* s Hep.
240.) which was an American
vessel employed in the African
trade, was captured by a British
cruiser, and condemned in the
Vice-Admiralty Court of Torto-
la. An appeal was prayed ; and
Sir William Grant, in delivering
the opinion of the Court, said»
that the trade being then declared

unjust and unlawful by Great
Britain, “ a claimant could have
no right, upon principles of uni-
versal law, to claim restitution in ;
a prize Court, of human beings 1
carried as his slaves. He must j
show some right that has been j
violated by the capture, some
property of which he has been
dispossessed, and to which he
ought to be restored. In this i
case, the laws of the claimant’s
country allow of no right of pro- j
perty such as he claims. There
can, therefore, be no right of res-

• • r & I

titution. The consequence is,
that the judgment must be affirm-

ed.”

The Fortuna (1 Dodson* s Rep.
81.) was condemned on the au-
thority of the Amedie , and the

same principle was again affirm-
ed.

The Diana (l Dodson* s Rep .
95.) was a Swedish vessel, cap-
tured with a cargo of slaves, by
a British cruiser, and condemned
in the Court of Vice^Admiralty
at Sierra Leone. This sentence
was reversed on appeal, and Sir
William Scott, in pronouncing
the sentence of reversal, said,
“the condemnation also took
place on a principle w'hich this
Court cannot in any manner re-
cognise, inasmuch as the sentence
affirms, ‘ that the slave trade, from
motives of humanity, hath been
abolished by most civilized na-
tions, and is not , at the present
time, legally authorized by any*
This appears to me to be an as-
sertion by no means sustainable.”
The ship and cargo were restored,
on the principle that the trade
was allowed by the laws of Swe-
den.

The principle common to these
cases is, that the legality of the
capture of a vessel engaged in
the slave trade, depends on the
law of the country to which the
vessel belongs. If that law gives
its sanction to the trade, restitu-
tion will be decreed ; if that law
prohibits it, the vessel and cargo
will be condemned as good prize.

This whole subject came on
afterwards to be considered in
the Louis , (2 Dodson*s Rep. 238.)
The opinion of Sir William
Scott, in that case, demonstrates

356

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

the attention he had bestowed
upon it, and gives full assurance
that it may be considered as set-
tling the law in the British Courts
of Admiralty as far as it goes.

The Louis was a French vessel,
captured on a slaving voyage, be-
fore she had purchased any slaves,
brought into Sierra Leone, and
condemned by the Vice-x\dmirai-
ty Court at that place. On an
appeal to the Court of Admiralty
in England, the sentence was
reversed.

In the very full and elaborate
opinion given on this case, Sir
William Scott, in explicit terms,
lays down the broad principle,
that the right of search is confined
to a state of war. It is a right
strictly belligerent in its character,
which can never be exercised by
a nation at peace, except against
professed pirates, who are the
enemies of the human race. The
act of trading in slaves, however
detestable, was not, he said, “ the
act of freebooters, enemies of the
human race, renouncing every
country, and ravaging every coun-
try, in its coasts and vessels, in-
discriminately.” It was not pi-
racy.

He also said, that this trade
could not be pronounced contrary
to the law of nations. “ A
Court, in the administration of
law, cannot attribute criminality
to an act where the law imputes
none. It must look to the legal
standard of morality ; and, upon

a question of this nature, that
standard must be founded in the
law of nations, as fixed aud evi-
denced by general, and ancient,
and admitted practice, by treaties,
and by the general tenor of the
laws and ordinances, and the
formal transactions of civilized
states ; and, looking, to those au-
thorities, he found a difficulty in
maintaining that the transaction
was legally criminal.”

The right of visitation and
search being strictly a belligerent
right, and the slave trade being
neither piratical, nor contrary to
the law of nations, the principle
is asserted and maintained with
great strength of reasoning, that
it cannot be exercised on the
vessels of a foreign power, unless
permitted by treaty. France had
refused to assent to the insertion
of such an article in her treaty
with Great Britain, and, conse-
quently, the right could not be
exercised on the high seas by a
British cruiser on a French vessel.

“ It is pressed as a difficulty,’'*
says the Judge, “ what is to be
done, if a French ship, laden with
slaves, is brought in ? I answer,
without hesitation, restore the
possession which has been un-
lawfully devested ; rescind the
illegal act done by your own sub-
ject, and leave the foreigner to
thS justice of his own country.”
This reasoning goes far in sup-
port of the proposition, that, in
the British Courts of Admiralty,

AND COLONIAL JOURNAL.

357

the vessel even of a nation which
had forbidden the slave trade, but
had not conceded the right of j
search, must, if wrongfully brought !
in, be restored to the original own-
er. But the Judge goes farther,
and shows, that no evidence exis-
ted to prove that France had, by
law, forbidden that trade. Con-
sequently, for this reason, as well
as for that previously assigned,
the sentence of condemnation was
reversed, and restitution awarded.

In the United States, different
opinions have been entertained in
the different Circuits and Dis-
tricts ; and the subject is now,
for the first time, before this
Court.

The question, whether the slave
trade is prohibited by the law of
nations has been seriously pro-
pounded, and both the affirmative
and negative of the proposition
have been maintained with equal
earnestness. j

That it is contrary to the law j
of nature will scarcely be denied. '
That every man has a natural !
right to the fruits of his own la-
bour, is generally admitted ; and
that no other person can rightfully
deprive him of those fruits, and
appropriate them against his will,
seems to be the necessary result
af this admission. But from the j
earliest times war has existed,!
and war confers rights in which
all have acquiesced. Among
the most enlightened nations of
antiquity, one of these was, that

the victor might enslave the van-
quished. This, which was the
usage of all, could not be pro-
nounced repugnant to the law
of nations, which is certainly
to be tried by the test of general
usage. That which has received
the assent of all, must be the law
of all.

Slavery, then, has its origin in
force ; but as the world has agreed
that it is a legitimate result of
force, the state of things which is
thus produced by general consent,
cannot be pronounced unlawful.

Throughout Christendom, this
harsh rule has been exploded, %nd
war is no longer considered as
giving a right to enslave captives.
But this triumph of humanity has
not been universal. The parties
to the modern law of nations do
not propagate their principles by
force ; and Africa has not yet
adopted them. Throughout the
whole extent of that immense
continent, so far as we know its
history, it is still the law of na-
tions that prisoners are slaves.
Can those who have themselves
renounced this law, be permitted
to participate in its effects by
purchasing the beings who are its
victims ?

Whatever might be the answer
of a moralist to this question, a
jurist must search for its legal so-
lution, in those principles of ac-
tion which are sanctioned by the
usages, the national acts, and the
general assent, of that portion of

358

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

the world of which he considers
himself as a part, and to whose
law the appeal is made. If we
resort to this standard as the test
of international law, the question,
as hA already been observed, is
decided in favour of the legality
of the trade. Both Europe and
America embarked in it; and for
nearly two centuries, it was car-
ried on without opposition, and
without censure. A jurist could
not say, that a practice thus sup-
ported was illegal, and that those
who engaged in it might be pun-
ished, either personally, or by de-
privation of property.

In this commerce, thus sanc-
tioned by universal assent, every
nation had an equal right to en-
gage. How is this right to be lost ?
Each may renounce it for its own
people; but can this renunciation
affect others ?

No principle of general law is
more universally acknowledged,
than the perfect equality of na-
tions. Russia and Geneva have
equal rights. It results from this
equality, that no one can right-
fully impose a rule on another.
Each legislates for itself, but its
legislation can operate on itself
alone. A right, then, which is
vested in all by the consent of all,
can be divested only by consent;
and this trade, in which all have
participated, must remain lawful
to those who cannot be induced to
relinquish it. As no nation can
prescribe a rule for others, none

can make a law of nations ; and
this traffic remains lawful to those
whose governments have not for-
bidden it.

If it is consistent with the law
of nations, it cannot in itself be
piracy. It can be made so only
by statute ; and the obligation of
the statute cannot transcend the
legislative power of the state
which may enact it.

If it be neither repugnant to
the law of nations, nor piracy, it
is almost superfluous to say in
this Court, that the right of bring-
ing in for adjudication in time of
peace, even where the vessel be-
longs to a nation which has pro-
hibited the trade, cannot exist.
The Courts of no country exe-
cute the penal laws of another;
and the course of the American
government on the subject of
visitation and search, would de-
cide any case in which that right
had been exercised by an Ameri.
can cruiser, on the vessel of a fo-
reign nation, not violating our
municipal laws, against the cap-
tors.

It follows, that a foreign ves-
sel engaged in the African slave
trade, captured on the high seas
in time of peace, by an American
cruiser, and brought in for adju-
dication, would be restored.

The general question being dis-
posed of, it remains to examine
the circumstances of the particu-
lar case.

The Antelope, a vessel unques-

AND COLONIAL JOURNAL.

359

tionably belonging to Spanish sub-
jects, was captured while receiv-
ing a cargo of Africans on the
coast of Africa, by the Arragan-
ta, a privateer which wa9 manned
in Baltimore, and is said to have
been then under the flag of the
Oriental republic. Some other
vessels, said to be Portuguese, en-
gaged in the same traffic, were
previously plundered, and the
slaves taken from them, as well
as from another vessel then in the
same port, were put on board the
Antelope, of which vessel the
Arraganta took possession, land-
ed her crew, and put on board a
prize master and prize crew.
Both vessels proceeded to the
coast of Brazil, where the Arra-
ganta was wrecked, and her cap-
tain and crew either lost or made
prisoners.

The Antelope, whose name was
changed to the General Ramirez,
after an ineffectual attempt to sell
the Africans on board at Surinam,
arrived off the coast of Florida,
and was hovering on that coast, j
near that of the United States,!
for several days. Supposing her j
to be a pirate, or a vessel wishing j
to smuggle slaves into the United '
States, Captain Jackson, of the
revenue cutter Dallas, went in
quest of her, and finding her laden
with slaves, commanded by offi-
cers who were citizens of the
United States, with a crew who
spoke English, brought her in for
adjudication.

She was libelled by the Vice
Consuls of Spain and Portugal,
each of whom claim that portion
of the slaves which were conjec-
tured to belong to the subjects of
their respective sovereigns ; which
claims are opposed by the United
States on behalf of the Africans.

In the argument, the question
on whom the onus probandi is im-
posed, has been considered as of
great importance, and the testi-
mony adduced by the parties has
been critically examined. It is
contended, that the Antelope,
having been wrongfully dispos-
sessed of her slaves by American
citizens, and being now, together
with her cargo, in the power of
the United States, ought to be
restored without farther inquiry,
to those out of whose possession
she was thus wrongfully taken
No proof of property, it is said,
ought to be required. Possession
is in such a case evidence of pro-
perty.

Conceding this as a general
proposition, the counsel for the
United States deny its application
to this case. A distinction is ta-
ken between men who are general-
ly free, and goods , which are al-
ways property. Although, with
respect to the last, possession may
constitute the only proof of pro-
perty which is demandablc, some-
thing more is necessary where
men are claimed. Some proof
should be exhibited that the pos-
session was legally acquired. A

360

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

distinction has been also drawn
between Africans unlawfully ta-
ken from the subjects of a foreign
power by persons acting under
the authority of the United
States, and Africans first captur-
ed by a belligerent privateer, or
by a pirate, and then brought
rightfully into the United States,
under a reasonable apprehension
that a violation of their laws was
intended. Being rightfully in the
possession of an American Court,
that Court, it is contended, must
be governed by the laws of its
own country; and the condition
of these Africans must depend on
the laws of the United States, not
on the laws of Spain and Portugal.

Had the Arraxanta been a re»u-
iarly commissioned cruiser, which
had committed no infraction of
the neutrality of the United
States, her capture of the Ante-
lope must have been considered
as lawful, and no question could
have arisen respecting the rights
of the original claimants. The
question of prize or no prize be-
longs solely to the Courts of the
captor. But, having violated the
neutrality of the United States,
and having entered our ports, not
voluntarily, but under coercion,
some difficulty exists respecting
the extent of the obligation to re-
store, on the mere proof of former !
possession, which is imposed on j
this government.

If, as is charged in the libels of ;
both the Consuls, as well as of *

the United States, she was a pi-
rate, hovering on the coast with
intent to introduce slaves in vio-
lation of the laws of the United
States, our treaty requires that
property rescued from pirates
shall be restored to the Spanish
owner on his making proof of his
property.

Whether the General Ramirez,
originally the Antelope, is to be
considered as the prize of a com-
missioned belligerent ship of war
unlaw fully equipped in the Unit-
ed States, or as a pirate, it seems
proper to make some inquiry into
the title of the claimants.

In support of the Spanish claim,
testimony is produced, showing
the documents under which the
Antelope sailed from the Havana
on the voyage on which she was
captured ; that she was owned by
a Spanish house of trade in that
place ; that she was employed in
the business of purchasing slaves,
and had purchased and taken on
board a considerable number,
when she was seized as prize by
the Arraganta.

Whether, on this proof, Afri
cans brought into the United
States, under the various circum-
stances belonging to this case,
ought to be restored or not, is a
question on which much difficulty
has been felt. It is unnecessary
to state the reasons in support of
the affirmative or negative answer
to it, because the Court is divided
on it, and, consequently, no prin-

AND COLONIAL JOURNAL*

361

ciple is settled. So much of the
decrees of the Circuit Court as
directs restitution to the Spanish
claimant of the Africans found
on board the Antelope when she
was captured by the Arraganta,
is affirmed.

There is some difficulty in as- j
certaining their number. The;
libel claims one hundred and fifty
as belonging to Spanish subjects, :
and charges that one hundred or!
more of these were on board the j
Antelope. Grondona and Xime-
nes, Spanish officers of the Ante-
lope before her capture, both de-
pose positively to the number of
one hundred and sixty-six. Some j
deduction, however, is to be made
from the weight of Grondona’s
testimony, because, he says, in
one of his depositions, that he did
not count the slaves on the last
day when some were brought on
board, and adds, that he had lost
hi9 papers, and spoke from memo-
ry, and from the information he
had received from others of the
crew, after his arrival in the Ha-
vana. Such of the crew as were
examined, concur with Grondona
and Ximenes as to numbers.

The depositions of the Spanish
witnesses on this point, arfe oppo-
sed by those of John Smith, the
Captain of the General Ramirez,
and William Brunton, one of the
crew of the Arraganta, who was
transferred to the Antelope.

John Smith deposes, that nine-
ty-three Africans were found on
XII.

board the Antelope when captur-
ed, which he believes to have been
Spanish property. He also says,
that one hundred and eighty-three
were taken out of Portuguese ves-
sels.

William Brunton deposes, that
more slaves were taken out of the
Portuguese ship than wore in any
other, and that ninety odd were
represented by the crew to have
been on board the Antelope when
she was captured.

If, to the positive testimony of
these witnesses, we add the infer-
ence to be drawn from the state-
ment of the libel, and the impro-
bability that so large a number of
Africans as are claimed could
have been procured, under the
circumstances in which the Ante-
lope was placed, between the
13th, when she was liberated by
the first pirate who seized her,
and the 23d, when she was finally
captured, we are rather disposed
to think the weight of testimony
is in favour of the smaller number.
But supposing perfect equality in
this respect, the decision ought,
we think, to be against the claim-
ant.

Whatever doubts may attend
the question whether the Spanish
claimants are entitled to restitu-
tion of all the Africans taken out
of their possession with the Ante-
lope, we cannot doubt the propri-
ety of demanding ample proof of
the extent of that possession.
Every legal principle which re-
2

365

*THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

quires the plaintiff to prove his
claim in any case, applies with
full force to this point; and no
countervailing consideration ex-
ists. The onus probandi , as to
the number of Africans which
were on board when the vessel
was captured, unquestionably lies
on the Spanish libellants. Their
proof is not satisfactory beyond
ninety-three. The individuals
who compose this number must be
designated to the satisfaction of
the Circuit Court.

We proceed next to consider
the libel of the Vice-Consul of
Portugal. It claims one hundred
and thirty slaves, or more, “all
of whom, as the libellant is in-
formed and believes,” are the
property of a subject or subjects
of his Most Faithful Majesty ;
and although " the rightful own-
ers of such slaves be not at this
time individually and certainly
known to the libellant, he hopes
and expects soon to discover
them.”

John Smith, and William Brun-
ton, whose depositions have al-
ready been noticed, both state,
that several Africans were taken
out of Portuguese vessels; but
neither of them state the means
by which they ascertained the
national characters of the vessels
they had plundered. It does not
appear that their opinions were
founded on any other fact than
the flag under which the vessels
sailed* Grondona, also, states the I

plunder of a Portuguese vessel*
lying in the same port, and enga-
ged in the same traffic with the
Antelope when she was captured ;
but his testimony is entirely des-
titute of all those circumstances
which would enable us to say,
that he had any knowledge of the
real character of the vessel, other
than was derived from her flag.
The case furnishes no testimony
of any description, other than
these general declarations, that
the proprietors of the Africans
now claimed by the Vice-Consul
of Portugal, were the subjects of
his king; nor is there any allusion
to the individuals to whom they
belong. These vessels were plun-
dered in March, 1820, and the
libel was filed in August of the
same year. From that time to
this, a period of more than five
years, no subject of the crown of
Portugal has appeared to assert
his title to this property, no indi
vidual has been designated as its
probable owner. This inattention
to a subject of so much real inter-
est, this total disregard of a valu
able property, is so contrary to
the common course of human ac
tion, as to justify serious sus-
picion that the real owner dares
not avow himself.

That Americans, and others,
who cannot use the flag of their
own nation, carry on this crimi-
nal and inhuman traffic under the
flags of other countries, is a fac t
of such general notoriety, that

AND COLONIAL JOURNAL.

363

Courts of admiralty may act upon
it. It cannot be necessary to take
particular depositions to prove a
fact which is matter of general
and public history. This long,
and otherwise unaccountable ab-
sence, of any Portuguese claim-
ant, furnishes irresistible testimo-
ny, that no such claimant exists,
and that the real owner belongs
to some other nation, and feels
the necessity of concealment.

An attempt has been made to
supply this defect of testimony,
by adducing a letter from the se-
cretary to whose department the
foreign relations of Portugal are
supposed to be intrusted, suggest-
ing the means of transporting to
Portugal those slaves which may
be in the possession of the Vice-
Consul, as the property of his fel-
low subjects. Allow to this docu-
ment all the effect which can be
claimed for it, and it can do no
more than supply the want of an
express power from the owners of
the slaves to receive them. It
cannot be considered as ascertain-
ing the owners, or as proving
their property.

The difficulty, then, is not di-
minished by this paper. These
Africans still remain unclaimed j
by the owner, or by any person |
professing to know the owner. I
They are rightfully taken from
American citizens, and placed in
possession of the law. No pro-
perty whatever in them is shown.
It is said, that possession, in a

] case of this description, is equiva-
| lent to property. Could this be
conceded, who had the posses-
sion ? From whom were they ta-
ken by the Arraganta ? It is not
alleged that th.ey are the property
of the crown, but of some indivi-
dual. Who is that individual?
No such person is shown to exist,
and his existence, after such a
lapse of time, cannot be presumed,.

The libel, which claims them
for persons entirely unknown, al-
leges a state of things which is
prima facie evidence of an intent
to violate the laws of the United
States, by the commission of an
act which, according to thos.e
laws, entitles these men to free-
dom. Nothing whatever can in-
terpose to arrest the course of th.e
law, but the title of the real pro-
prietor. No such title appears,
and every presumption is against
its existence.

We think, then, that all the
Africans, nowin possession of the
Marshal for the District of Geor-
gia, and under the control of the
Circuit Court of the United States
for that District, which were
brought in with the Antelope,
otherwise called the General Ra-
mirez, except those which may be
designated as the property of the
Spanish claimants, ought to be de-
livered up to the United States,
to be disposed of according to law.
So much of the sentence of the
Circuit Court as is contrary to
this opinion, is to be reversed,
and the residue affirmed.

364

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

OF THE STATE OF VASSALAGE EXISTING AMONG THE AFRICANS-.

Many individuals, and perhaps
the public generally, entertain
erroneous opinions, respecting
slavery a9 it exists among the Af-
rican nations. The state of most,
who are held in servitude in Af-
rica, differs materially from that
to which the same name is applied
in the West Indies, and in our
own country. The following ar-
ticle shows, we think, conclusive-
ly, that many, if not most of the
vendible slaves, are reduced to
this condition merely for the pur-
pose of sale, and that the motives
offered by slave-traders have in-
stigated these ignorant tribes to
array themselves in hostility
against each other. The disposi-
tions of the Africans are not natu-
rally warlike. But the more ci-
vilized, yet the more barbarous,
have stirred them up to the com- i
mission of every outrage, and to i
the violation of all the rights and
charities of social and domestic
life. That extensive tracts of jj
country have been well nigh dc- !j
populated by the slave trade is j|
unquestionable. Nor have we ij
less evidence to believe, that were j
this traffic suppressed, those who
are in servitude among the Afri-
cans, would have secured to them
most of the comforts and privile-
ges, which can be enjoyed by rude
and unenlightened men. The
subsequent extract is from the
great work of Stephens on West

Indian slavery, as it exists in
point of law'; a work which has
already exerted a powerful influ-
ence on the opinions of the British
nation. Mr. Stephens observes,

« I give the following extracts from
evidence to which no apologist of the
trade can object, because it was adduc-
ed by the slave traders themselves, in
support of their bad cause before a com-
mittee of the Privy Council. I the ra-
ther do so, because the report I extract
from is in few hands, and not likely to
be reprinted.

“ James Penny , Esq. an African mer-
chant, who during eighteen years had,
as captain and mate of slave ships, tra-
ded to every part of the coast, had resi-
ded two years as a slave factor in Africa,
and at the time of giving his evidence
was one of the Liverpool petitioners,
and delegates against the abolition of
the slave trade, said : ‘ There are also
native slaves in this country. Three-
fourths of the inhabitants are slaves —
domestic slavery is very prevalent in
this country — their domestic slaves art
never sold except for crimes. They are
tried for their crimes, and the number
of slaves is so great, that the govern-
ment would be afraid of committing any
act of injustice for fear of a revolt/

“ Governor Dalzell, a witness on the
same side, who'resided three years on
the Gold Coast, gave the following ac-
count of the same class of persons,
whom he more properly called vassals .*

‘ The Gold Coast is divided into a num-
ber of petty states, governed by chiefs
or caboceers. These caboceers have
each their particular vassals; but they
I have not such an absolute power over them »
as to be able to dispose of them , without
the consent of their fellow-vassals, or the

AND COLONIAL JOURNAL.

365

pynims , or elders of the town. The cabo-
ceers have no power over the lives and
property of their vassals, except in con-
sequence of trial, which is before these
pynims, or elders.' (See his evidence
in the same Report, part 1st, title, Go-
vernment, Religion, &c.)

“ Mr. Matthews , another slave captain,
and zealous witness for Liverpool, gave
a more particular account; as far at
least as respects the district of Sierra
Leone, where he resided, and where he
made it his object, as he stated, to ob-
tain information how the slaves procured
there were made such. * The slaves
(he says) make three-fourths of the in-
habitants on that part of the coast.’ Yet
he tells us, in another place, ‘ Of the
numbers which are taken from this
country, only a small part are natives of
the sea coast; some of which are priso-
ners made in the wars which the petty
states have with each other ; others are
sold for various crimes, such as witch-
craft, adultery,' &c. &.c.

“It follows then, that though the
slaves*of this region constitute so large
a part of the population, they are not
sold unless when condemned for ciimes,
or taken in war.

“In another part of his testimony we
have this passage : « Mr. Matthews had
opportunities of conversing’ with the
slaves on board the ships, but never
heard of any other manner in which they
became slaves, than that of being made
prisoners of war, or sold for crimes.'

“ This witness, like Mr. Penny, though
he before called three-fourths of the
people slaves, was so conscious, we here,
see, of the wide distinction between
their state and that of the wretched peo-
ple who were sold to our traders, that
he called the change from the one to
the other, becoming slaves. It will be
found, on a careful examination of the
evidence of the other witnesses, that

1 ! they almost universally fell into the
same inaccurate forms of speech ; and
that though they were apt to give to the
vassalage of Africa, and indeed to every
species of civil subordination there, the
vague name of slavery, yet in their own
ideas, vendible slavery was so very differ-
ent a thing, that to 4 condemn a man to
be sold,’ or to 4 seize him for the purpose of
sale? and to 4 make him a slave? were
I with them convertible forms of speech
I 44 Of the situation of native slaves, and

' of those which after being sold have re-
I mained long with the purchaser, Mr
Matthews spoke very explicitly: 44 If
‘ the domestic slaves are born in a man’s
possessio7i , or have been in his possession
| a twelvemonth, they cannot be sold without
the form of a trial? He proceeded to
give reasons for supposing the trial gen-
erally unfair ; a point in which I am not
anxious to contradict him ; though
his description of the proceedings, and
the laws, seem to prove that the trial
; is somewhat more than a form ; and most
of the other witnesses on the same side
professed to consider it as fairly conduct-
1 ed.

I 44 4 The slaves (he added) that are pur-
! chased before the rainy season commen-
, ces, are employed upon their planta-
tions, and are sold to the Europeans*

: and sometimes among themselves, from
: one master to another, after the rice is
; planted.’ He speaks here of slaves
. brought down from the interior coun-
tries of Africa, and bought by the chiefs
upon the coast ; so that a very brief em-
; ployment in agriculture, it would seem,

, or less than a year’s service, does not
suffice to take away their alienability.

44 4 The seller, (he went on to say) car-
ries the manufactures he receives from
• the European, as the price of the slaves,
j up into the country, in order to pur-
! chase others. Some of the persons in
j this domestic slave.-y are therefore of the

J66

THE AFRICAN ItEPOSITO ItY,

same description with those sold to the
Europeans. Mr. Matthew's has under-
stood that the same species of domestic
slavery exists in the interior country,
and to a greater extent.*

“ By ‘ domestic slaves/ here and
throughout his evidence, Mr. M. evi-
dently meant those who were either
born, or if I may so speak, had acquired
a settlement by residence in the coun-
try. He distinguished between house
slaves, and plantation slaves ; but by
•domestic slaves’ clearly included both ;
and used that term to distinguish the
settled or domiciled slaves from those
who are liable to be sold. (See his evi-
dence at large, P. C. Reports, part 1,
title Slaves.)

“Mr. Norris confirmed this account,
as to the Gold Coast, the only part re-
specting which he offered any thing to
-the point. ‘ The distinction is this : a
slave that has been purchased or ac-
quired may be disposed of at pleasure ;
but a slave born within the walls cannot
be sold at the will of his master, unless
guilty of crimes, in which case he may
be sold.’— Mr. Norris indeed, seemed to
think this a privilege of the Fantyn, or
Gold Coast, nation, distinguishing them
from their neighbours ; but he instanced
no other country where a contrary law
prevails; and it appears from other
witnesses, that there is a general and
striking uniformity in this point, be-
tween the laws of all the various nations
of Africa. Mr. N. afterwards stated that
the punishmeut of selling cannot be in-
flicted but by the sentence of a magis-
trate after a trial, which he supposed to
be in general fairly conducted. (See his
evidence, same report and title.)”

With the evidences of these
witnesses the testimony of Mun-
go Park, entirely concurs. “ The
authority of the master, (he ob-

serves) over the domestic slave,
extends only to reasonable correc-
tion ; for the master cannot sell
his domestic without having first
brought him to a public trial, be-
fore the chief men of the place.”

Mr. Park proceeds to give some
ij account of those wars by which
jj the vendible slaves are procured,
j which, (says Mr. Stephens) he dis-
tinguishes into two kinds: and
it evidently appears, that wars of
the more ordinary kind, not only
produce the staple of the slave
trade, but are carried on for that
single purpose. They are so dis-
tinct in their nature from the po-
litical quarrels of a less ignoble
cast, that they have obtained even
in that rude country, an appropri-
ate name, being called by the na-
tives tegria.

We will add only the follow-
ing extract from the valuable evi-
dences adduced on the subject,
by Mr. Stephens :

“ It appears in various passages of
Mr. Park’s book, that the vendible
slaves are, from the moment of their be-
coming such, to their exportation, in
constant and close confinement; most
commonly by means of a chain, which
unites them in a file together ; so that,
“ to be put upon the slave chain” and to
become liable to be sold, are convertible
expressions ; (see p. 295, &c. :) whereas
the same author informs us, when
speaking of the grumettas, domestics, or
native slaves — ‘ in all the laborious occu-
pations above described, the master and
his slaves work together, without any dis-
tinction of superiority, (p. 386.) The
occupations here referred to, comprise

AND COLONIAL JOURNAL.

36*

the labours of the field, as well as handi-
craft employments.

“ As this visible difference of treat-
ment is a point of importance, on which,
though a great misconception of the
case prevails in the public mind, I am
not aware of any contradiction in the tes-
timony between the contending parties,
it may perhaps be allowable to cite, by
way of clear illustration, a passage 01-
two in that evidence, from which, on all
controverted subjects, I so rigidly ab-
stain, the testimony adduced by abo-
litionists. The liberty may be further
justified, because I shall cite them, not
from the spontaneous account of any
witness brought forward to support a
previous statement of the party produc-
ing him, but from the unpremeditated
answers given at the bar of the House of
Lords by a highly respectable witness,
under a cross-examination :

“ Q.. Have you made any inquiry,
which enables you to judge what pro-
portion the slaves in that country' bear
to the freemen ?

“A. I have frequently made the at- 1
tempt to ascertain that proportion. I
made it an object in every place which
I happened to visit ; but so much alike
in their appearance, in their treatment,
and in the conduct observed towards
them, are the domestic slaves in that
country and the freemen, that I found it
impracticable, unless I went to make in-
dividual investigations, to ascertain that
proportion.

“Q. You therefore have not been
called to discriminate between slaves
and freemen, as you found them in the
families of the natives whom you visited?

“A. I never w*as able to disci iminate
between the son and the domestic slave

iof any chief.

“ Q. Do you know whether any dif
ferent species of labour is allotted to a
free mail, from that which is allotted to a

slave ; or from that which is allotted to
a domestic slave, and the slave for sale?

“ A. I would state that they are not
all vendible, as I understand the laws of
Africa : and that there is the most mark-
ed difference in the appearance be-
tween the domestic slaves and those in-
tended for sale. Those intended for
sale I have alway s seen in a chain, and
confined.

“ Q. Do you state that to be univer-
sal in all the countries you have visited,
that the slaves that are the subjects of
sale, are universally distinguished by a
chain?

“ A. I never saw any whom I was
given to understand were the subjects
of sale, or whom I could understand to
be the subjects of sale, who were not
confined in some manner.

*• Q. Are you now speaking of slaves
brought down to the factories of the
Slave Traders for the immediate purpose
of sale ; or do you speak of all the slaves
who are the subjects of sale wherever
they may be found about the houses or
plantations of their masters?

“A. I never could underhand, not-
withstanding many enquiries I have
made on the subject, that any slaves for
sale were kept in the hands of any upon
the coast but slave-factors.

“ Q. Have you been any considerable
way up the country, so as to have an op-
portunity of seeing how, and by whom,
field-labour is performed?

“ A. I have ; and field-labour is per-
formed by free people, and by the do-
mestic slaves, jointly and indiscriminate*

ty-

“Q. Do you mean to say that the
slave who is the subject of sale never
performs the field-labour?

“ A. 1 would again state, that I never
knew any African chief keep upon his
hands slaves intended for sale. That I
understood, however, that in one nart cf

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

368

the country, where a number of slaves (
had been brought down expecting a j
market, which, in consequence of the
breaking out of the war they did not ob- <
tain, that a number of the slaves so '
brought down were purchased and em-
ployed for one season in cultivating vice>

“ Q. Whether you saw any of the
persons you have been describing, and
if you did not see them, did you see any j
of them in chains?

“ I have already said that I never saw '
any person whom I understood to be in-
tended for sale, at Work.’ (Evidence ^
of Zachary Macaulay, Esq. formerly Go. 1
vernor of Sierra Leone, taken at the !
bar of the House of Lords on the bill for ‘
partially abolishing the Slave Trade in 1
1799. Printed evidence, 289, 290.) j

“ The important distinction establish- j
ed by these i*emarks and citations, may '
be further supported from the same bo-
dy of evidence last referred to, as fur-
nished on the part of the slave traders.

“ Capt. Older moil) one of the Liver-
pool witnesses, who had been upwards
of twenty years in the Slave Trade, in-
cidentally, but clearly, disclosed this pri-
vilege of the ordinary or native slaves,
whom he, like others, calls domestics.

“ It had been a point in the examina-
tion, whether the carriers of ivory from
the interior to the sea coast, were sold,
together with their burthens; a fact
which the Liverpool party, with their
usual ingenuity, tried to establish, as an
argument that the gum and ivory trade,
depended on, and must fall with, the
Slave Trade but the proposition of

fact, was found liable to an obvious ob-
jection: for it was admitted that the ar-
ticles brought down to the coast, were
paid for by a barter of European goods
which went back into the interior coun-
try : if, therefore, all the porters were
sold, it was naturally asked, who cavried
back the returns?

“ To escape from this difficulty, the
witness answered — ‘I think I stated
that they were not all sold that brought
down the goods; and I naturally pre-
sume, that for a tooth of ivory of a hum
dred weight, we may find goods to pur
chase it that will not weigh ten pounds ,
consequently, nine-tenths of the car-
riage, upon that presumption, will not
be wanted back again.*

“ Q. Do you mean then that a part
of the slaves can carry back into the in-
terior country the returns for the com .
modifies brought down by the whole?

“A. I suppose they do, nearly so.
But I suppose that there are domestic
slaves always among them, as well as
those who are to be sold, who are not
sold, except on the commission of some
crime.’ (Same printed Evidence, 87.
88.)

“If any doubt still remains in the mind
I of the reader, whether the domestics, or
|| native slaves of Africa, are generally
ji unalienable, I refer to the long examina-
j| tion of Capt. Hume, in the same printed
j evidence, especially from page 56 to 60.

; — It will be found well worth the curi-
1 osity of persons unused to the perusaj
of such testimony ; but it is too long for
insertion here, and would be injured b-
abbreviation .**

AN1) COLONIAL JOURNAL,

369

DEPARTURE OF THE SHIP INDIAN CHIEF.

[ From the Norfolk Beacon .]

The ship Indian Chief, Captain Coch-
ran, chartered by the American Col-
onization Society, sailed from this port
on Wednesday last, the 15th inst. for
the Society’s settlement at Cape Mont-
serado, on the Coast of Africa. She
takes out one hundred and fifty-four
free people of colour, with supplies for
the Colony, the frames of five large
buildings which the government intends,
to provide for the accommodation of a
number of captured Africans who will ■
be sent out hereafter in another vessel,
the frames of two long boats for the trade j
of the rivers, and other thing's. She
takes out also, Du. Peaco, a surgeon of j
the navy, a gentleman of professional I
skill, who will act in the double charac- j
ter of an agent of the government, and
a physician to the people.

The emigrants, we understand, are j
chiefly from the counties of Perquimans, 1
Pasquotank, and Chowan, in our neigh-
bor State of North Carolina. About fifty
of them are sent out, decently furnish-
ed for the voyage, by the friends under
whose care they have heretofore been i
living. Eleven are the freedmen of |
the Rev. John D. Paxton, of Prince 1
Edward county, in this State, given over 'I
to the Society to transport them ; one !
the donation in like manner of Dr. *
Webb, of the Great. Bridge, near this j:
place, and one of the Rev. Cave Jones,
of New York. They go out for the
most part in families, and are of all
ages, but chiefly young men and women,
boys and girls, with a few old persons
and young infants. Among the men are
some good mechanics ; but the greater
part of them have been used to handle
the plough and hoe. With the indus-
trious habits which we understand they
have manifested, we have no doubt they !
wiH do well in their new country I

XII.

We owe it, we think, to these emi-
grants to state, that during the three or
four months that they have been detain-
ed (the greater part of them) in this
place, waiting for the vessel in which
they were to embark, they have, with
hardly a single exception, displayed a
degree of patience, humility, and good
order, that entitles them to our warmest
praise. And nothing indeed, can more
strongly evince their affection for this
enterprise than the plain fact, that under
all the circumstances of discouragement
in which they were placed, and assailed
as they were, in some instances, with
artful temptations, not one of them was
found to flinch from sailing.

We are gratified also to record in this
place, that the citizens of our borough
have shown their usual kindness and
charity to the emigrants. Our communi-
ty indeed is too small to favor that sort
of benevolent excitement which we
observe was displayed in Boston on the
sailing of the Vine ; nor would it be
altogether wise perhaps to make any
public parade of our feelings, in our
southern cities, on such occasions.
We are glad, however, to be able to
state, that we did not send these people
away from our shores without some
proofs of that sympathy which it surely
became us to feel.

In this view, we are happy to state
that our citizens, and some individuals
of Smithfield and Suffolk, gave them
liberal donations of clothes and farming
utensils, and other things of which they
were in want. And we are particularly
gratified to add, that on the day before
her sailing, the reverend gentlemen of
the clergy, of different denominations,
went on board the ship, then dropped
down below the forts, with a few gen-
tlemen and ladies, friends of the Society,

370

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

in company, to see the emigrants, and
give them a parting prayer. We under-
stand, from one who was present, that
the services, on the occasion, aided, no
doubt, by the interest of the scene, were
very solemn and impressive. It was im-
possible, indeed, we can easily conceive,
to see such a group of human beings,
embracing all the relations and charities
of life, fathers, mothers, husbands,
wives, brothers and sisters, all about to
sail from our shores forever, and under
such peculiar circumstances, without
feeling the deepest sympathy in their
situation, and the most lively interest in
all their future fates.

We must take this occasion to say
again, that we do most cordially approve
of the plan of the Society. We are no
enthusiasts, indeed, (as we perceive it
is the pleasure of some to call the friends

of the cause,) but, with the evidence,
daily increasing, which we have before
us, of the perfect practicableness of col-
onizing these people in the land of their
fathers, of their own ardor in the under-
taking, and of the happy effects which
may be fairly expected to flow from
its achievement, we should look upon
ourselves as exposed to a still more
serious charge than that of a want of
sober sense — a want of common hu-
manity— if we did not feel and avow
our hearty interest in its success. Let
our Colonization Societies, and their
friends, continue to pursue their great
object, with that moderation and pru-
dence which the nature of their engage-
ment so forcibly suggests, aild they
cannot fail, we should think, to enlist
all hearts and hands in their cause.

OPINION OF THE LEGISLATURE OF VIRGINIA.

It is well known that this dis-
inguished State, early suggested
the plan of African Colonization,
to the National Government ; that
many of its most enlightened ci-
tizens have given their sanction j
and aid to the objects of our Soci-
ety, and that an appropriation of [
500 dollars was made by the Le- j
gislature, the last year, for the be-
nefit of the settlement in Liberia.
We are glad to perceive that the
subject has been again before the
House of Delegates, and again
received their marked approba-
tion.

A bill for an additional appro-
priation of articles manufactured
in the penitentiary, was brought
in by Mr. Upshur, and after con- I

siderable debate, passed the house
by a majority of 41 votes. No
doubt, we believe, is entertained
of the concurrence of the Senate.
The bill was sustained by an able
speech from Mr. Upshur and was
supported also by Mr. May, Mr,
Winston, and Mr. Blackburn.
The last named gentleman ob-
served,

“ That he would vote for it with
greater pleasure, were the sum larger
He had made up his mind to vote for
4 or 5000 dollars to support this noble
and most laudable purpose. But Rome
was not built in a day. Could he believe
that a century hence, this Colony
would resemble some of the little Col-
onies that two centuries since were
placed on the shores of this Continent;
it would cheer his dying hour. This

AN1) COLONIAL JOURNAL.

371

had been connected with the Missouri
question. He did not see the connex-
ion ; it did not exist. It was called an
abolition Society, he believed with as
little reason. The negroes were called
inferior beings. They had not indeed
produced a Washington or Jefferson,
but they had a Toussaint and a Chris-
tophe. He thought we were of that
opinion because we were white. But

black, if not as pretty as white, was at
least as substantial. At all events
negroes were men

The policy of Virginia towards
the Colonization Society, appears
to be established, and we may
surely expect much from a state
so intelligent and powerful.

SLAVE

Every thing which may be con-
tribute to the suppression of this
trade, must be read with interest
by humane and Christian people.
The nations are gradually com-
bining for its extinction.

“ The Christian Gazette, of Dec. 3,
contains the official news of a treaty con-
cluded on the 9th of Nov. last, between
the king of Sweden and Norway and
the king of Great-Britian, relative to the
slave trade. The king of Sweden en-
gages to cause penal laws to be passed»
as soon as possible, against this traffic. [

TRADE.

The vessels which are suspected, are
reciprocally liable to be visited by the
ships of war of the contracting parties,
and subject to confiscation, in case
the suspicions should prove to be well
founded. Two tribunals shall be es-
tablished, one on the Swedish Island of
St. Bartholomew, the other at Sierra
Leone, on the coast of Africa, to decide
in the actions which shall be brought in
consequence of the capture of ships, and
to adjudge the indemnities to be given,
in case of detentions without due
grounds.”

FROM AFRICA.

We copy, from the New-York
Observer, the following very in-
teresting intelligence from Africa.
It is gratifying to a Christian to
observe the developements of the
Divine purposes, in reference to ;
the propagation of Christianity, ;
and to see the rapid fulfilment of i
those predictions which assure us!!
that all nations shall rejoice in the j
light, and submit to the power of j
the Truth. How vain is opposi- [

tion to the decrees of Heaven f
We know, however, that the wise
of this world, men of rare gifts
and eminent acquisitions, are of-
ten arrayed in hostility to the en-
terprizes of benevolence, and
would stop, if possible, the
Chariot of the King of kings.
But we labour hopelessly to check
the spirit of the age. The Al-
mighty hand has given impulse
to the movements of the day.

372

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

No keenness of satire, no opprobri-
ous epithets, no pointed ridicule,
or stormy eloquence, will break
the energy of those enlightened
and Christian men, who are gov-
erned by a sober and impartial re-
gard to the interests of the human
race, who would communicate to
all, the truths and hopes of our
Religion. Every thing almost in
the operations of the present time, |
seems auspicious to the cause of j
Africa, and particularly the event
which we are now permitted to i
record :

From a postscript to the London
Missionary Register for December, we
learn, that towards the close of that
month, despatches were received in Lon- j
don from Sierra Leone with intelligence, j
which must be very gratifying to all the I
friends of Africa. It seems that the j
Kussoos, a war-like tribe, who inhabit
the interior of that continent, at no great
distance from Sierra Leone, have for
several years waged a cruel and destruc-
tive war with their neighbours, murder-
ing or enslaving all on whom they
could lay their hands. At length, in the
progress of victory, they reached the
territories of the Sherbro Bulloms, (a
tribe who inhabit the fine country lying !
directly southeast of Sierra Leone, and j
extending along the coast to the dis- j
tance of 120 miles,) and manifested a |
determination to exterminate them by I
the sword, or of selling them into slavery. J
Under these circumstances, the chiefs of!
the Sherbro Bolloms voluntarily placed
themselves under the protection of the
British government, and on the 24th of
September last, entered into a formal
treaty, by which they grant to his Bri-
tannic Majesty * thefcfull, entire, free and
unlimited right, title, possession, and

entire sovereignty of all the territories
and dominions to them belonging.’ In
accordance with this treaty his Excellen-
cy Major General Turner, Commander
in chief of the British forces in West
Africa, on the fourth of October, issued
his proclamation declaring the new-
ly acquired territories an integral
part of the colony of Sierra Leone.
Thus is the slave trade forever abolished
in a country which has commonly yielded
15,000 or 20,000 victims annually ! f
On this subject the editor of the Sierra
Leone Gazette, in his paper of the 15th
of October last* has the following re-
marks :

“ On Tuesday afternoon, His Majesty’s
Colonial brig Susan returned to this har-
bour from the Shebar and Sherbro river,
after an absence of three weeks. His
Excellency the Governor and suite land-
ed under a salute from the batteries.
We are truly happy to find that the
giand objects for which these expedi-
tions have been undertaken at this in-
clement season of the year, have suc-
ceeded beyond the expectation of the
most sanguine. The proclamation af-
fords the official information relative to
the great accession of territory which
this colony has gained, by the treaty
with the Sherbro Bulloms; comprising
a line of sea-coast of 120 miles in length,
and upwards of 5000 square miles of the
most fertile land in this part of Africa,
being watered with seven rivers of con-
siderable extent and importance. The
produce of these rivers has always been
very great ; and will rapidly i ncrease in
quantity, as the property of the natives
is now rendered secure from plunder
and devastation. The principal articles
of lawful export have hitherto been
ivory, palm-oil, camwood and rice : of
the latter, the Bagroo river alone furnish,
ed 600 tons in one season.

“ However gratifying it may be for

AND COLONIAL JOURNAL.

373

the friends of the colony to calculate on
the immense commercial advantages
which must accrue from this happy
stroke of policy, yet how much more
pleasing and delightful is it for the j
friends of humanity to know that, by j
the decisive measures which his Ex- '
cellency Major General Turner has J
happily taken, the abominable traffic in
human victims, of which we have so long
complained, has, at one blow, been
completely destroyed. The slave trade
of the coast between this colony and
the Gallinas is foreverj annihilated. We
may fairly compute, that from 15,000 to
20,000 wretched beings were annually
exported from the territory lately ac-
quired : it was to support this horrible
trade that the surrounding nations were
constantly engaged in sanguinary wars .
which have nearly depopulated the
once rich and fertile countries of the
Sherbro. Under the protection and
care of this government, these countries
will speedily be restored : while the
wretched inhabitants will be raised to a
state of happiness, of which, at present.

they have little idea : no longer dreading
the horrors of slavery or the destruction
of the spoiler, they may walk abroad, in
full security of reaping the fruits of their
labour: this will excite their industry;
and, joined with the encouragement
afforded by British law and power, will
quickly raise them from the degradation
and misery under which they are now
suffering. We ardently hope that the
blessed lights of civilization and religion
may now shortly dawn in a land, which
has hitherto been wrapt? in the darkest
ignorance and superstition.

“ To attain the great object last
mentioned,” says the editor of the Mis-
sionary Register, “ the Christians of
Great Britain must fulfil that duty which
these new circumstances lay upon them.
Where the providence of God, in a man-
ner so remarkable, opens the way, and
in a country which has such peculiar
claims on our regard, we must gird up
our loins for new labours, and must re-
double our earnestness in prayer for the
Divine blessing.”

PANABOURE FORBANA.

/

{From Golberry’s Travels .)

Panaboure Forbana, king of the
islands of Forbana, Fombana, Ro-
bana, Gambia, and the river of
Sierra Leone, loved the French
nation, and was indeed one of the
best of men. He was the chief
of a petty nation of idolatrous
negroes, called Timaneys ; and
he reigned over a little kingdom
which scarcely contained forty
leagues for its surface ; its length
was twelve leagues, and its I
breadth little more than three.

But no person should be unjustly
despised. Panaboure Forbana
was indeed a petty prince, but he
was a good king ; he possessed
an upright heart, an honest mind»
and a clear judgment: in short,
his subjects adored him.

He owed to them his crown,
which was merely a bonnet of
blue cloth, and his throne which
was nothing but a straw mat. But
of what importance is splendid
ostentation, or the glitter of vain

374

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

ornaments ? The glory and safety
of princes is the love and confi-
dence of their people ; and the
almost-naked Forbana sat more
safely on his throne, than the
richest and most powerful poten-
tates in Europe.

He had testified the. greatest
good-will towards M. de la Jaille,

receive him ; the artillery belong-
ing to the island and the corvette
were also prepared to honour him
with three salutes.

Forbana arrived at ten o’clock
in the morning, in a canoe of four-
teen feet in length, and manned
with twelve rowers. He was seat-
ed in the bottom of it, with the

formed the establishment of
Gambia : indeed, his affection for
the French nation, and his desire
to serve us, were evident on every
occasion.

We were instructed to pay him
his duties, that is, the fees for his
protection ; but the government
added other presents, which we
were also authorized to present
to him.

On the day of our arrival in
the harbour of Gambia, we in-
formed the king of it, by an officer
belonging to the Rossignol, whom
M. de Brach sent, and who was
instructed to present our compli-
ments, and to inform him, that
we should visit him on the follow-
ing day in the island which he
inhabited. He made a very
friendly reply, and observed that
he would come himself to see us,
early the next morning, and we
therefore made arrangements for
receiving him, and giving him a
good dinner.

The tent was pitched near the
battery, in the island of Gambia ;
a detachment belonging to the
isle, and the troops of the Rossig-
nol, were ordered uiider arms to

at the period when this officer j queen, and four of the principal

,1 * -rl men of the king(]om. when he

landed, he received three salutes
of artillery and musquetry, and
he appeared much gratified with
this mark of politeness.

He approached us very gaily,
and presented his hand ; we con-
ducted him to the tent, which had
been prepared for him, and seated
him between the Chevalier de
Brach, commanding the corvette,
and myself. The queen placed
herself on another seat behind the
king.

Our interpreters began to ex-
plain the reciprocal congratula-
tions and compliments which
passed on both sides. We after-
wards presented our thanks for
the interest which Forbana had
invariably shewn towards French-
men. He replied very politely,
and repeatedly assured us that
he loved Frenchmen; that he
would do whatever they wished,
or whatever depended on himself,
to render them respected in the
river, and to procure them, on all
occasions, such conveniencies as
they might require in their com-
mercial concerns.

After these words, he expressed

AND COLONIAL JOURNAL.

375

a wish to see the corvette, whither
M. de Brach conducted him; he
remained there more than an hour,
and returned to Gambia very well
contented with what he had seen.
The hour of dinner now arrived,
and we all sat down to table.

The king was again seated
between M. de Brach and myself,
and he requested a chair for the
queen, which was accordingly
placed on his left hand, but a little
behind. I wished to put it be-
tween the king and myself, but
he would not permit me ; he
would not allow the queen to be
parallel with himself, because it
is not customary in Africa to
suffer the women to sit at table
by the side of their husbands. I
however arranged it in such a
manner, that the queen, without
being at the same table with us,
found herself very near the king;
and she could likewise, though
situated a little behind, see the
whole table.

We gave her a plate, which she
placed upon her knees : and when
the king was helped to some meat,
he divided it with her, but he
would not permit any one else to
serve her, though he took pleasure
in sharing with her every thing
which was given to him ; they
both eat with their fingers,
without using either spoon or fork.

He drank wine, though sparing-
ly; the king, however, indulged
himself in it more than his wife,
and he eat an amazing quantity.

We had prepared for him some
rice, dressed in the negro manner
by steam, and mixed with pieces
of poultry and fish, which he
thought delicious. We both per-
ceived that he did not like roast
meat, which he found it difficult
to chew ; but he appeared to eat
salt meat with great zest. He
consumed a great deal of bread,
as did the queen a considerable
quantity of sugar; and they both
drank many glasses of anniseed.

During the whole of the repast,
our conversation with the king
and queen was carried on very
briskly, and the interpreters reci-
procally explained whatever was
said on either side. This method
of talking, when become a little
habitual, is not unpleasant from
the tsediura that indispensably
arises through the use of inter-
preters ; and we experience even
a kind of pleasure when the
answer contains something un-
expected.

After dinner, we agreed with
the king that we would, on the
following morning, proceed to the
island of Forbana, in order to pay
| our respects to him, and likewise
i to give him the duties and super-
numerary presents which had
been confided to us. Forbana,
whom the wine, anniseed, and
good cheer, had exhilarated into
the best humour in the world,
asked us if the presents were
handsome, and if they were
worthy of the great wealth of the

376

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

kin2: of France. We informed
him of what they consisted.

First there were three complete
dresses, which had been bought at
an old clothes shop in Paris ; but
they appeared so new, that it
would be impossible for a petty
negro king of Africa to have the
least suspicion that they were
second-hand.

The Portuguese, who were
along time in possession of the
bay of Sierra Leone, first intro-
duced this custom of giving Eu-
ropean dresses as presents to the
kings and principal chiefs of these
nations.

The first suit consisted of a
scarlet dress, richly embroidered
with gold, four inches broad ; a
poppy coloured silk waistcoat,
more richly ornamented than the

I

former; red breeches, embellished
with golden knee bands ; crimson
stockings, shoes with red heels,
large silver buckles, a shirt with
long laced ruffles, a neckcloth of
the same, and an enormous cocked
bat, bordered with Spanish gold
lace, ornamented with a red
feather, about three fingers in
breadth, which completed the
dress: to, this first suit, however,
there also belonged a very large
sword, with a richly worked silver
handle, and a belt of crimson
velvet, embroidered with gold ;
and a bamboo cane, four feet and
a half long, ornamented with a
silver head very well worked, but
as large as that of a drum-major’s ;

and lastly, a silver chain, which
served as a string to the walking-
stick.

There were also two other com-
plete dresses, one of a green
colour, laced with gold, and the
other a clear blue, embroidered
with silver; some pistols, and a
gun; and lastly, some lumps of
amber, a piece of gauze striped
with blue silk, several pieces of
agate, some cloves, and glass trin-
kets. The last articles were in
tended for the queen.

When Forbana beheld all these
presents stretched before his eyes,
he was enchanted, and testified
his satisfaction by a variety of ex-
pressive gestures; the queen was
entirely overpowered, and both
one and the other repeatedly ex-
claimed together, “ atot , atot,
atot , mungo ounifera ,” which
signifies in the Timaneys language,
“ bravo , bravo , bravo , white Icing”

But the admiration of her negro
majesty, his wife, and the great
men who had accompanied him,
w'as notyetexhaused ; and during
their enchantment, her majesty
conceived the idea of her husband
dressing himself in the fine scar-
let coat, which was embroidered
with gold. This idea she com-
municated to Forbana, who adopt-
ed it with infinite joy, and re-
quested permission to try on the
magnificent royal dress, which
was accordingly granted.

Panaboure Forbana, king as he
was, and one of the best of prin-

AND COLONIAL JOURNAL.

377

ces, had not the most engaging
appearance ; he was fifty-five
years old, and his legs were lank
and bandy ; his nose was short,
and every feature in his face com-
mon ; yet though his visage was
ugly and wrinkled, it beamed
with goodness.

A cap of blue cotton covered
his head, and two pieces of the
same colour formed his dress ; the
one hung over his shoulders, and
the upper part of his body; while
the other covered his loins, and
fell down behind, like a woman’s
petticoat, as low as his heels ;
beneath this he was naked, and
he had in addition only a narrow
belt of blue cotton, which was
fastened round his hips and the
upper part of his thighs.

When the queen learnt that her
husband might try on the magnifi-
cent red dress, she immediately
took off his rap and his two pieces
of cotton, and put on the poppy
coloured silk waistcoat, and the
brilliant scat let coat; but as this
was only intended as a trial, the
king did not think it necessary to
put on either the shirt, the
breeches, the stockings, or the
shoes; but he attired himself in
the cocked hat with red feathers,
crossed over his shoulders the
handsome sword and belt, and took
the silver-mounted cane, on which
he supported himself with a haugh-
ty and majestic air.

It was a truly laughable spec-
tacle to behold the good Forbana,
XII.

habited in his superb coat, which
being made for a very tall man
descended considerably below his
knees : not having buttoned either
the waistcoat or the coat, he ex-
posed to view his thin, dusky
body almost naked ; he had
nothing but slippers on his feet!
but his head was covered with the
fierce cocked hat, his side orna-
mented with a large sword, and
his right hand supported on the
drum major’s staff ; he sat in this
posture nearly ten minutes, ex-
actly before us, preserving an in-
flexible gravity, and never chang-
ing his position ; the admiration
of her majesty was unbounded ;
she walked round him, and viewed
him with great delight, expres-
sing in every manner her extreme
satisfaction, and exclaiming re-
peatedly while clapping hands
together “ atot , atot , atot , mungo
ounifera

This queen was an old woman
about fifty years of age, extreme-
ly wrinkled, as are all the negres-
ses of Africa when of an advan-
ced age. She was the first and
real wife of the king; it was she
who enjoyed all the honours, and
the prerogatives attached to the
supreme rank of her husband,
which, however, were reduced to
a very small number ; but she
always accompanied him on every
important occasion ; he expressed
for her the most decided deference,
and the most implicit confidence ;
and he never concluded any thing
4

378

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY

without stipulating a present for I
the queen. After this ludicrous j
scene the king of the Timaneys j
returned home well satisfied with
himself and us. We visited him I
in his Island, where we had with
him many other conferences. I
was abundantly enabled to com
vince myself of his friendly dis-
position towards us.

We have just seen this worthy
monarch in a point of view highly
ridiculous; but he was still a
good and wise man, and the hap-
piest of princes, for he was
beloved by his subjects.

In 1786, he had governed his
little kingdom eleven years. - He
had been the prime minister of
the late king, who at his decease,
left the throne to a child of eight
years old. The negroes of Sierra
Leone conferred at first on For-
bana only the title and authority
of administrator ot the country, and
tutor to the king ; but during the
second year of his administration,
a dissension took place between
the inhabitants of the bay and the
English ; the relations of the in-
fant king, who wished to govern
in his name, fomented these
troubles ; the quarrel had become
general and animated, and the
English threatened to burn the
villages ; but Forbana knew how
to conciliate and calm the storm j
he restored peace ; and the pru-
dence which he displayed on this
occasion, procured him the rank
$nd title of king, which the Ti-

maneys bestowed upon him with
unanimous consent.

His manners and mode of
living were simple, and entirely
correspondent with those of his
subjects ; his sincere and ingen-
uous character excited our esteem •
his just and rational mind always
induced him to adopt the right
proceedings on every occasion ;
he lived familiarly with the ne-
groes subjected to his authority,
and at every hour of the day he
was accessible to them, and
listened to their requests ; he
j heard their complaints and their
demands, and required nothing
of them but what they were
willing to give.

I have often beheld with plea-
sure the good and pleasant Pana-
boure Forbana, seated almost na-
ked on a mat before the door of
his royal hut, or at the foot of
some fine tree, with his legs
crossed, and his knees erect, ac-
cording to the custom of the
negroes, smoking his pipe, sur-
rounded by his w'omen, his chil-
dren, and sometimes two hundred
of his subjects of both sexes ; re-
lating to them various tale9 which

animated their natural gaiety:
permitting himself to be familiarly
interrogated by them ; answering
with mildness and good nature,
and receiving from every one*
innumerable testimonies of friend-
ship and affection.

Those who demanded his justice
always offered some present ; but

AND COLONIAL JOURNAL.

379

thi.9 gift was often of a very infe-
rior value. I have seen them
present him with a little measure
of rice not worth more than three
halfpence, and Forbana received
this sorry tribute with as much
pleasure as I have sometimes seen
him testify on receiving six
drachms of gold.

During my residence in the
river of Sierra Leone, I endea-
voured to learn what might be
the amount of his annual revenues
and customs ; and I calculated j
that the five islands of which he |
is possessor, the annual duties
paid by the societies of Sierra
Leone and Bence, and those by j
the French established in the
Gambia ; the fees which all ves-
sels are forced to pay when they
enter the bay, many supernume-
rary presents which he receives
on different occasions ; a kind of
mulct which falls to his share,
whenever he holds a palaver of
justice, the profits arising from
the sale of malefactors, a part of
which devolved to him by right;
and lastly, the presents which he j
receives from his subjects in rice, j
honey, wax, elephant’s teeth, and
sometimes in slaves and gold ;
all these various sources of regal ;
wealth, may perhaps be estimated 1
at twenty thousand francs per ;j
year. This civil list would be ||
considered as extremely little in fj
Europe ; but it is a very consider-
able one for a negro monarch, j
whose kingdom has not a superfi- |

cies of more than forty square
leagues ; and even such a petty
king would, in a few years, become
rich in Africa, if he did not divide
a great part of the presents which
he receives, with the principal
people of the nation, and his
women.

More chaste and moderate than
are in general the negro princes,
the king of Sierra Leone had only
five concubines. Each of them
had a hut in the royal inclosure,
and a separate household ; they
each possessed two or three
slaves, led a peaceable and quiet
life, educated their children, and
were in want of nothing. All
these women made it their par-
ticular study to cultivate the affec-
tion of the king, and by that
means to augment their small
fortunes, which were certainly
very limited; for when these sul-
tanas are enabled to possess a
field of two or three acres, some
slaves of both sexes, a dozen
pieces of cotton, a few household
utensils, some gold rings for their
ears, arms, and legs, and five or
six ounces of gold in reserve,
which they call their treasure,
they are then considered as very
opulent and distinguished ladies.
Much more might be said with
regard to the manners, customs,
religion, character, the country of
the Timaneys, and the good For-
bana ; but we must here conclude
these details, in order to give
some observations relative to the
commercial operations of the two
English societies of Sierra Leone
and Bence.

380

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY,

TO OUR FRIENDS.

The present number concludes ||
the first volume of our work, i
The events which we have re-
corded during the year, bearing
upon the interests of our insti-
tution, will, if we mistake not, ex-
cite the gratitude, animate the
hopes and stimulate the efforts of
all our friends. We have endea-
voured to submit our cause to the
nation ; fairly and fully to ex-
plain the motives which govern us
and the objects at which we aim,
to state the facts which prove the
practicableness of these objects,
the necessity for their accomplish-
ment and the means by which
they are to be effected. We
have endeavoured to show that
the Colonization Society is based
upon unexceptionable and gene-
rally approved principles, and to
conciliate, by every method con-
sistent with the promulgation of
the truth, the favour and aid of
the whole American people. The
assumption of a common ground
by this Society, which may be
equally occupied by the citizens
of the South and the North, has
been deemed by us its peculiar
recommendation ; and the expe-
rience of another year has con-
firmed the belief that when its
real character shall be understood,
there will be congregated around
it the humanity, patriotism and re-
ligion of our landc

"We candidly acknowledge that
private charity is inadequate to
the consummation of our design.
We look to the power of the
State legislatures and to the
national Government, but as these
powers are controlled by popular
opinion, it is this which constitutes
the medium through which the
Society must communicate its in-
fluence and secure to its purpose
the resources and energy of the
nation.

The developement of the prin-
ciples and plans and operations of
our institution, has already pro-
duced an extensive change in
public sentiment, and every day
brings evidence that the progress
of this change is becoming more
rapid, deep and efficient. The
contributions to this Society du-
ring the last year have far exceed-
ed those of any former equal
period. An unexpected number
of auxiliary associations have
been formed to assist it. Its de-
sign has become the subject of
legislative consideration in many
of the states. Virginia has, in two
successive years, made a small
appropriation for the benefit of
the Colony, and Maryland has
instructed her representatives to
sustain the Society in its applica-
tion to Congress for aid and pro-
tection. Most Christian denomina-
tions have, through their ministers

AND COLONIAL JOURNAL.

381

ami delegates, given their sane
tion to our cause, and the anniver-
sary of our national Independence
has, in many places, been made
the occasion of donations and col-
lections for its support. "VVe will
only add, (and we consider it one of
the surest indications of the So-
ciety’s advancement) that oppo-
sition has been roused, that indif-
ference has given place to discus-
sion, and that both in attack and
defence, have talent and argument
been exhibited with which an or-
dinary subject is seldom honoured;
and it is but justice to say, that
if the success of our opponents
has not equalled their wishes, it
is owing neither to their want of
ability nor of zeal to direct it.
They have done what they could
on the side of error; but the de-
fective weapon, though most dex-
terously handled, cannot resist the
sword of “ etherial temper.”

The time indeed has now
arrived when it is believed that this
Society may present itself without
hesitation before the legislators of
our country. If we err in refer-
ence to the extent of influence
which our cause possesses in the
public mind, we shall, by taking
such a position, be enabled to
bring the whole subject before the \

community with every advan-
tage, for securing accurate in-
vestigation and a candid judg-
ment. We fear net the result.

The devout mind will discover
in the dispensations of Providence
towards the Colony at Liberia,
reasons to expect for it the future
I superintendence and blessing of
| the Almighty. In its weakest in-
fancy, it was defended against
! the combined powers of the bar-
barians. It has been shielded
from the “pestilence which walk-
eth in darkness and from the
destruction that wasteth at noon-
day.” Above all, it has acquired
the confidence of the poor Africans,
displayed before them the light
I of the Christian virtues, and while
| receiving itself spiritual blessings,

I been permitted to impart di-
vine knowledge to the heathen.
Let us then, Christian friends, feel
; the holy motives which ought to
prompt us to the diligent, un-
wearied, vigorous prosecution of
this sacred enterprise, so momen-
tous in its relations to our beloved
country, and to Africa’s wretch-
ed population, so intimately con-
nected with the cause of philan-
thropy aud the triumphs of truth
and virtue.

382

THE AFRICAN ’REPOSITORY,

The following donations have, been received by the Rev. Mr.
Niles, and are included in the Treasurer's account.

Joseph Ball, Portsmouth, N. H.
Cash,

Nathaniel Brown,

do.

Nathaniel Dennett,

do.

John Knowlton,

do.

J. Sweetser,

do.

Mrs. Sweetser,

do.

J. N. Whidden,

do.

Gideon Beck,

do.

Mrs. Ilenry Ladd,

do.

T. II. Miller,

do.

Mrs. O. M. Trickey,

do.

Richard Cobb, Boston,

Two friends <§1 each,

do.

W. 8c G. Tuckerman,

do.

Samuel A. Eliot,

do.

Samuel Hubbard,

do.

Edwards 8c Stodard,

do.

Nathaniel R. Cobb,

do.

John Tappan,

do.

J. B. Jones,

do.

A friend,

do.

John Rayner,

do.

C. Walley,

do.

S. Blake,

do.

\V. 8c G. Tuckerman,

do.

John Kuhn, (Sundries)

Boston)

Benj. Dearborn,

do.

A friend.

do.

A friendly firm,

do.

Clapp 8c Sevvall,

do.

J. Barry 8c Son,

do.

Cummings 8c Symmes,

do.

Am. C. Lombard,

do.

A friend,

do.

A friend,

do.

Francis Watts,

do.

Otis Vinal,

do.

A friend,

do.

Stillman Lothrop,

do.

Joseph Bridge,

do.

Dea. Samuel May,

do.

J. Danforth,

do.

A. Newman,

do.

Calvin Haven,

do.

$10

3

3

3

3

2

3

0

4

1
1

10

o

16

30

20

5
5

100

5

5

5

2

5

16

5

92

3 50

17

4
10

4
33

2

2 50
35

15

5

6
12

18

7 50

3

6

50

Montgomery Newell, do. 16

Thomas Cordis, do. 12

Philips and Moseley, do. 3 50

A friend, do. 3

K. Bacon, do. 3

E. Lathrop, do. 4

John Carlton, do. 6

A friend, do. 1

Lincoln Fearing 8c Co. do. 7

Dea. John Sullivan, (Bell) do 50
A friendly firm, (sundries) do. 25
Joseph P. Bradlee, Boston, (sun.) 30
Do. to constitute Rev. Fran-
cis Converse, a life member, 30
Andrew Green, Boston, (sun.) 23

| Simeon Palmer, do. 14

A friend, do. 1

J. Pickens 8c S. S. Littlehale, do. 15
E. Palmer, do. 7

Josiah Burnstead. do. 7

The following note from the
Treasurer of the Auxiliary Colo-
nization Society of Petersburg,
Va. merits insertion in this pa-
per.

Petersburg, Dec. 20, 1825*
Mr. R. R. Gurley :

Dear Sir,

It affords me much pleasure
to inform you that our Auxiliary
Society in this town, has received
a very liberal donation of one
hundred dollars, from Mrs. Eli-
zabeth Lewis, of Brunswick coun-
ty, a member of the Methodist
Episcopal Church, and a lady
well known for her Christian libe*
rality.

Yours, &c.

G. P. DISOSWAY.

AN1) COLONIAL JOURNAL.

383

MARYLAND.

In the Maryland House of Delegates,
on Friday last, Mr. Goldsborougk made
the following further report from the
committee to whom was referred the
memorial of the American Colonization
Society :

The American Colonization So-
ciety having incurred an expense
in a late deportation of 150 free
people of color to the African
settlement in Liberia, which has
fallen upon a very few individuals
who have advanced their own mo-
ney for that purpose, and as
twenty of those free people of
colour were from the state of
Maryland ; therefore.

Resolved , That the Treasurer
of the Western Shore be, and he
is hereby authorized and direct-
ed, to pay out of any money in
the treasury, not otherwise ap-
propriated, to the Treasurer or
Secretary of the American Colo-
nization Society, the sum of

dollars, to be applied to the ex.
pense of the twenty free persons
of colour, last deported to the
American colony from this state.

Library for Blacks. — A Libra-
ry has recently been opened in
Philadelphia, for the benefit of
the people of colour in that city.
The payment of one cent per
week, annually, entitles each
person of colour to the privileges
of the books. The Library is at
present small, but donations are

solicited from the public to in-
crease the number of volumes.
This measure seems to us to be
extremely well adapted to help
forward the great designs of ele-
vating the character and promo-
ting the happiness of our black
population. They are now gene-
rally ignorant, being destitute of
the necessary means for storing
their minds with useful knowledge.
Give those among them who have
been taught to read, the privilege
of well selected libraries, and
thereby create in them a taste
for reading, and an important
step is gained, in elevating their
general character, in fortifying
them against temptation to vice,
and in fitting them for useful
citizens, either here or in that
flourishing colony to which great
numbers, we trust, are ere long
to be removed. We cannot,
therefore, but consider this mea-
sure as constituting an important
link in that chain of benevolent
efforts, which will give strength
and permanency to our civil and
religious institutions.

Meetings have been held
within a few days past, in aid of
the American Colonization So-
ciety, both in Alexandria and
Georgetown, and efficient mea-
sures adopted to augment its
funds. The Societies which have
for some time existed in these
cities, have been revived and now
promise much to the general

384

THE AFRICAN REPOSITORY.

cause. A similar effort is to be
made in this citv, and we hope
it will be attended with equal
success.

A short time since, when the

We aye informed by the writer of
these lines, that they are extracted from
a Poem which may be shortly given to
the public — suggested by the recent
services in Park-street meeting-house,
Boston, for the purpose of organizing an
African church, consisting of persons
about to embark for the. Colony at
Liberia. — Boston Recorder.

Delightful scene !

I view it still. — Divine philanthropy

Smil’d on the glorious work. The
church of God

Bless’d the propitious hour. A mul-
titude

* Stood in the stillness of entranced
hope —

Ofbreathless expectation. — Witnesses |

white population in Pennsylvania,
amounted to 800,000 and the peo-
ple of Colour to 30,000, one half
of the convicts in the state Peni-
tentiary were of the latter class.

Invisible were there! — Myriads of
spirits,

Redeem’d from earth, hover’d around
the place,

With joy that swells to sweeter, loftier
strains

The songs of heaven, when one re-
penting sinner

Turns to his God, and meets forgiv-
ing love. —

The shining hosts above ; the orders
bright

Of angels, natives of th’ etheria! plains,

Bend from their seats of bliss ; and
for a moment

Forget their golden harps, their
hymns of joy. —

Silence sublime !

TO OUR SUBSCRIBERS.

The second volume of the Re-
pository will be greatly improved
in paper, and in the style of its ]
execution. It will be issued on |
the last day of each month, and;
most of our subscribers will be j
enabled to receive it before the |
middle of the succeeding one.
Our friends must perceive the j
importance of an early remittance j
of the amount of their subscrip- 1
tions ; and all at present on our
list, will be considered assubscri- 1
hers, unless they shall request the [

discontinuance of their names.
The price of the work is two
dollars per annum, payable in ad-
vance. The first volume may be
had by application to the Resident
Agent of the Society, to whom all
communications in relation to the
work, or to the general interests
of the Institution, should be ad-
dressed.

Office Colonization Society , ?

Washington , 5

March 1st, 1826.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME,

DATE DUE

r

DEMCO 38-297

a v- 1

i African Repository and Colonial Journal

I Libfj

Speer Library

1 1012 00307